"Missouri will ever be conspicuous in the annals of history as the only State in the American Union to inaugurate and authorize a formal opposition to Christianity, as an institution, and legalize the persecution of ministers of the gospel, as a class."
"In publishing the Reminiscences of the Women of Missouri during the Civil war, the Missouri Division of the United Daughters of the Confederacy does not desire to keep alive sectional bitterness or revive memories which have lain dormant for half a century. The gathering of these precious statements from the survivors of that terrible time has been a labor of love. "
The hatreds and feuds that stayed below the surface in a civilized society were freed by the all-consuming violence of this war, allowing men to act in ways that would have been unacceptable at any other time. While the Union officials, notably Henry Halleck, tried to establish rules of war to control this personal violence, they were markedly unsuccessful. Union authorities attempted to use these rules to combat the southern irregulars, but often chose to abide by them only selectively themselves. Murder, arson, and robbery became common occurrences along the border and the only excuse necessary for such actions was a suspicion that the victim supported the wrong side. Men who had lived as neighbors for many years, some even related to one another, now took up a cause that made them violent enemies.
Full Title: Noted guerrillas, or, The warfare of the border : being a history of the lives and adventures of Quantrell, Bill Anderson, George Todd, Dave Poole, Fletcher Taylor, Peyton Long, Oll Shepherd, Arch Clements, John Maupin, Tuck and Woot Hill, Wm. Gregg, Thomas Maupin, the James brothers, the Younger brothers, Arthur McCoy, and numerous other well known guerrillas of the West (1877) by John Newman Edwards
There have been issued several publications representing these outlaws as heroes, and clothing them in a garb of romance likely to mislead the minds of youth, who feeling the first promptings of the valor inherent in the race, naturally conclude that persons who appear chivalrous and brave, must necessarily have many virtues, and that these outlaws may possibly have been "more sinned against than sinning." Observing the bad influences of such books, the publishers determined to issue a work that would reveal the true character of these brigands, and show to the vouthful mind that an evil course of action is always sure to bring its own reward, and that the glamor of apparent success cannot compensate for the bad results of a vicious career. Mainly in the hope of contributing something toward the correction of the tendency referred to, this work is respectfully presented to the public.
One of the most significant areas of guerrilla warfare during the American Civil War occurred along the Missouri-Kansas border. Many of these guerrilla forces had been active during the Bleeding Kansas period and continued their activities into the Civil War supporting the Confederacy. The guerrillas attacked Federal forces and disrupted their lines of communications, raided settlements in Kansas, and attempted to support Confederate conventional forces operating in the area. In 1864, Major General Sterling Price led a raid into Missouri in a final attempt to bring the state into the Confederacy. This thesis explores the nature of guerrilla warfare in the Missouri-Kansas border area and explains how Price and the guerrillas failed to employ the elements of Compound Warfare to bring Missouri into the Confederacy.
"The object of this work has been from historical data to show that the Southern States had rightfully the power to withdraw from a Union into which they had, as sovereign communities, voluntarily entered; that the denial of that right was a violation of the letter and spirit of the compact between the States; and that the war waged by the Federal Government against the seceding States was in disregard of the limitations of the Constitution, and destructive of the principles of the Declaration of Independence." - Jefferson Davis
"His diary kept when a prisoner at Fort Warren, Boston Harbor, 1865; Giving incidents and reflections of his prison life and some letters and reminiscences."
"This is the material part of my preface, and contains the only apology I shall offer in case any over-sensitively loyal readers may feel, or affect to feel, shocked on finding in the following pages some record of the imprisonment of Jefferson Davis, not written to gloat over the misfortunes of a fallen enemy certainly not aiming to palliate his political or other errors ; but to depict so much of him as was revealed to the Writer during a medical attendance of many months while Mr. Davis lay a prisoner in Fortress Monroe."
"Christopher Gustavus Memminger faced the insurmountable task of financing the Confederate States of America. Appointed Secretary of the Treasury in February, 1861, Memminger was unprepare d for the realities of war. A poor leader, he pursued a financial policy that drove the Confederate economy into arrears. "
This pamphlet of 20 questions and answers concerning the causes of Lincoln's War. It was written by the son of President John Tyler in an effort to combat Yankee revisionism.
"The sole object of this work is to discuss the right of secession with references to the past; in order to vindicate the character of the South for loyalty, and to wipe off the charges of treason and rebellion from the names and memories of Jefferson Davis, Stonewall Jackson, Albert Sydney Johnston, Robert E. Lee, and of all who have fought or suffered in the great war of coercion."
Hayne began the debate in the Senate chamber on January 19, 1830. He contended that states, not the federal government, should control their lands and that states should have the right to set aside certain federal laws if they wished. Daniel Webster of Massachusetts, the Senate's leading orator, responded by challenging the South's apparent willingness to subvert the Union for regional economic gain. In doing so, he broadened the debate beyond land, tariffs, and slavery to a consideration of the very nature of the federal republic.
"The purpose of this article is to examine the legal aspects of secession, especially as it relates to the constitutional laws of sovereign states."
"Secession, then, is not a matter of 'battles long ago,' of interest only to Civil War buffs. As readers of Secession, State, and Liberty will I am confident agree, secession is a key issue of our age." - David Gordon
"The book to which the following pages relate has been for several years before the public. It has been reviewed by some of the principal periodicals of the country, and recommended in the strongest terms to public favor. I have no disposition to detract from its merits as a valuable compendium of historical facts, or as presenting just views of the Constitution in many respects. My attention has been directed to its political principles alone, and my sole purpose has been to inquire into the correctness of those principles, so far as they relate to the true nature and character of our Federal Government." - Abel P. Upshur
"On the other hand, the Federal government has a direct interest to enlarge its own powers, by encroaching on the rights of the States. The constituent can rarely, if ever, have an interest in contracting the powers of his agent, but prima facie, the agent always has an interest in making them greater. And when we reflect on the strong love which most men feel, for patronage and power, the influence of this interest upon the mere men who wield the Federal Government, (and who as to this argument, must be identified with it) affords much cause for distrust and fear. It is therefore much more probable that the Federal Government will abuse its power, than that the States will abuse theirs."
"These writings address such issues as states' rights and nullification, slavery, the growth of the Federal judicial power, and Calhoun's doctrine of the 'concurrent majority.' This selection presents twelve notable speeches, letters, and essays by Calhoun; among them are his famous Fort Hill Address and his two great treatises on government - 'A Disquisition on Government' and the 'Discourse on the Constitution and Government of the United States.'"
The major political treatise by Taylor, one of the Southern supporters of Jefferson, who opposed the centralization of power in the hands of the federal government. It was in large part a reply to John Adam’s Defence of the Constitution (1787).
Taylor defends a strict “states rights” interpretation of the U.S. Constitution and advocates limited republican government.
John Taylor wrote Tyranny Unmasked not only to assault the protective tariff and the mercantilist policies of the times but also “to examine general principles in relation to commerce, political economy, and a free government.” As an early discussion of the principles of governmental power and their relationship to political economy and liberty, Tyranny Unmasked is an important primary source in the study of American history and political thought.
This text was used at West Point prior to the war.
“The secession of a state from the Union depends on the will of the people of such state. The people alone as we have already seen, hold the power to alter their constitution. The Constitution of the United States is to a certain extent, incorporated into the constitutions or the several states by the act of the people. The state legislatures have only to perform certain organical operations in respect to it. To withdraw from the Union comes not within the general scope of their delegated authority. There must be an express provision to that effect inserted in the state constitutions. This is not at present the case with any of them, and it would perhaps be impolitic to confide it to them. A matter so momentous, ought not to be entrusted to those who would have it in their power to exercise it lightly and precipitately upon sudden dissatisfaction, or causeless jealousy, perhaps against the interests and the wishes of a majority of their constituents.” --CHAPTER XXXII. OF THE PERMANENCE OF THE UNION.
"The question of treason is distinct from that of slavery; and is the same that it would have been, if free States, instead of slave States, had seceded.
"On the part of the North, the war was carried on, not to liberate slaves, but by a government that had always perverted and violated the Constitution, to keep the slaves in bondage; and was still willing to do so, if the slaveholders could be thereby induced to stay in the Union.
"The principle, on which the war was waged by the North, was simply this: That men may rightfully be compelled to submit to, and support, a government that they do not want; and that resistance, on their part, makes them traitors and criminals." - Lysander Spooner
"This work, addressed to those who hold that a public office is a public trust and that the moral law of Christendom is, as binding on organized communities as on individuals, has for its primary object the removal from the public mind of some of the wrong impressions which have been made during the last thirty-seven years. A few of them are
1. That the States of the Union are mere fractions of the "American Nation."
2. That the people of the Southern States committed treason against "the Government" in 1861.
3. That the people of the Southern States attempted in 1861-'65 not only to destroy the Federal Government, but, in the words of Abraham Lincoln at Gettysburg, November 19, 1863, to cause "government of the people, by the people, and for the people" to "perish from the face of the earth"; and
4. That the Southern States inaugurated the war for the purpose of preserving African slavery in their borders.
"The overwhelming and the devastation of the Southern Confederacy, the imperious and aggressive demeanor of our conquerors, and the submissive spirit dictated by the prudence of their victims, have thus far conferred upon the winning side almost a monopoly of the book market, and all over the South as well as over the North so-called "Histories" are magnifying the virtues of the North and the imperfections of the South, misrepresenting the fundamental facts on which must rest the world's estimate of the claims of the contending sections, and exalting to high places in "Halls of Fame" some unworthy "heroes" whom, no doubt, future generations will view with surprise."
"The raison d'etre of the following pages ... is the criticism of each campaign as one would criticize a game of chess only to point out the good and bad plays on each side, and the moves which have influenced the result."
"Wyeth's biography of Forrest stands as one of the best written about him. It is a 'must read' for any serious student of the civil war as it was fought in the west (Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi and Kentucky). While other biographies have been written (such as, "Bedford Forrest and His Critter Company", by Ansrew Nelson Lytle and "First with the Most Forrest" by Robert Selph Henry), they don't have the breadth that Wyeth's book has. Of course, the only biography actually reviewed and approved by General Forrest was Jordan and Pryor's "The Campaigns of Lieut. Gen. Forrest and of Forrest's Cavalry", but this work is flawed by a markedly biased position on the part of the authors and by their inability to access the Official Records. On the other hand, they did interview Forrest and most of his surviving authors and Wyeth drew much of his material from this work. Still, for the definitive story of Forrest's life, Wyeth's book is the acknowledged source."
Rev. Dr. I. W. K. Handy, of the Presbyterian Church of Virginia, who was arrested on an utterly frivolous charge and made a prisoner at Fort Delaware, and whose evangelical labors among the prisoners were so greatly blessed, has published a volume of 670 pages, entitled "United States Bonds," in which he gives a vivid account of the indignities, cruelties and sufferings to which the prisoners there were subjected.
"These reminiscences of Secession, War, and Reconstruction it has seemed to me a duty to record. An actor therein, accident of fortune afforded me exceptional advantages for an interior view. The opinions expressed are sincerely entertained, but of their correctness such readers as I may find must judge. I have in most cases been a witness to the facts alleged, or have obtained them from the best sources. Where statements are made upon less authority, I have carefully endeavored to indicate it by the language employed."
John Randolph (June 2, 1773 - May 24, 1833), known as John Randolph of Roanoke, was a planter, and a Congressman from Virginia, serving in the House of Representatives at various times between 1799 and 1833, the Senate (1825-1827), and also as Minister to Russia (1830). After serving as President Thomas Jefferson's spokesman in the House, he broke with Jefferson in 1803 and became the leader of the "Old Republican" or "Quids", an extreme states' rights vanguard of the Democratic-Republican Party who wanted to restrict the role of the federal government. Specifically, Randolph promoted the Principles of '98, which said that individual states could judge the constitutionality of central government laws and decrees, and could refuse to enforce laws deemed unconstitutional.
A mistaken estimate of Abraham Lincoln has been spread abroad very widely and even in the South an editorial in a leading religious paper lately said as follows Our country has more than once been singularly fortunate in the moral character and the admirable personality of its popular heroes Washington Lincoln and Lee have been the type of character that it was safe to hold up to the admiration of their own age and the imitation of succeeding generations In the North the paean of praise that began with his death has grown to such extravagance that he has been called by one eminent popular speaker a servant and follower of Jesus Christ and another first of all that have walked the earth after Nazarene and on his late birthday a eulogist asked to give up aspirations for a heaven where Lincoln's presence is not assured A very distinguished preacher the Easter succeeding the Good Friday on which was assassinated called him a Christian man a and follower of Jesus Christ one whom we have revered as a father and loved more than we can love any human friend set forth a comparison between his death and that of the Saviour of Mankind likening Wilkes Booth to Pilate and ended with Shall we not say of the day it is fit It was on Good Friday that Lincoln was shot and in a theatre.
Jefferson Davis's austere, aloof, and perplexing public demeanor offered few clues as to what kind of man he really was. Varina Davis's perceptive narrative offers unique insight into all aspects of her husband's life. Volume I is concerned with his formative public career from birth through army and congressional service, while the second volume tells the story of the Civil War as Jefferson Davis and his family saw it.
Jackson was a born leader, and had, underlying all, that supreme spirit of combativeness which is the foundation of military success. It is a fancy that he did not love fighting. (pg 451.)
Whether a faithful record of my long and humiliating imprisonment at Washington, in the hands of the enemies of my country, will prove as interesting to the public as my friends assure me it is to them, I know not.
But you say that compared with Abraham Lincoln, John Tyler was "historically a dwarf". By this you challenge a comparison, and the comparison, which would not otherwise be made, is not declined. Language is only relative, and it depends entirely upon what you choose to consider a dwarf, whether Mr. Tyler was one or not. David appeared in stature a dwarf compared with Goliath of Gath, but otherwise he proved himself Goliath's superior.
The wisdom of a movement is not always to be judged by its success. Principles are eternal, human events are transitory, and it sometimes takes more than one generation or one revolution to establish a principle. At first sight, it may appear that there is some discordance between Patrick Henry and Jefferson Davis, as the one struggled against the adoption of the Constitution, and the other to preserve it. But they were, in fact, both engaged in a similar struggle; the object of both being to preserve the sovereignty of their respective States. Henry did not object so much to the nature of the partnership, into which his State was about to enter, as to the the nature of the partners with whom she was about to contract. He saw that the two sections were dissimilar, and that they had different and antagonistic interests, and he was unwilling to trust to the bona fides of the other contracting party. 'I am sure,' said he, 'that the dangers of this system are real, when those who have no similar interests with the people of this country are to legislate for us - when our dearest interests are to be left in the hands of those whose advantage it will be to infringe them.'
THE institution of domestic slavery exists over far the greater portion of the inhabited earth. Until within a very few centuries, it may be said to have existed over the whole earth -- at least in all those portions of it which had made any advances towards civilization. We might safely conclude then, that it is deeply founded in the nature of man and the exigencies of human society.
Slavery has existed from as early time as historical records furnish any information of the social and political condition of mankind. There was no country, in the most ancient time of its history, of which the pecyde liad made any considerable advances in industry or refinement, in which slavery hasn't been previously and long established, and in general use. The reasons for this universal early existence of slavery, and of domestic or individual slavery, (except among the most ignorant and savage tribes,) can be readily deduced from the early conditions of society.
Published in 1861, just as the Southern states were storming out of the Union, it has been hailed ever since as singularly fair and authentic, an unparalleled account of America's "peculiar institution."
"There is now but one great question dividing the American people, and that, to the great danger of the stability of our government, the concord and harmony of our citizens, and the perpetuation of our liberties, divides us by a geographical hne. Hence estrangement, alienation, enmity, have arisen between the North and the South, and those who, from " the times that tried men's souls," have stood shoulder to shoulder in asserting their rights against the world ; who, as a band of brothers, had combined to build up this fair fabric of human liberty, are now almost in the act of turning their fratricidal arms against each other's bosoms."
"This work will be a supplement to every written history, portraying as it does the striking incidents of battle, and giving likenesses of the leaders whose names were on every lip in the days of strife."
"The facts of the War of the Confederates in America have been at the mercy of many temporary agents; they have been either confounded with sensational rumours, or discoloured by violent prejudices: in this condition they are not only not History, but false schools of public opinion. By composing a severely just account of the War on the basis of contemporary evidence--ascertaining and testing its facts, combining them in a compact narrative, and illustrating them by careful analyses of the spirit of the press, not only in this country, but in Europe, the author aspires to place the history of the War above political misrepresentations, to draw it from disguises and concealments, and to make it complete in three departments: the record of facts; the accounts of the public opinion existing with them; and the lessons their context should convey or inspire."
THE purpose of the writer of this work is to present a Constitutional view of the late War between the States of "the Union," known as the "United States of America."
The view is intended to embrace a consideration of the causes, the character, conduct and results of this War, in relation to the nature and character of the joint Government of these States; and of its effects upon the nature and character of this Government, as well as of its effects upon the separate Governments, Constitutions and general internal Institutions of the States themselves. The subject is one that does not fall clearly within the domain of History, in the usual acceptation of that word. The design is rather to deal with the materials of History than to supply them. It is not so much to present any portion of American History, as it is, by Historical analysis, to show what are the principles embodied in those systems of Government established, by the Anglo-Saxons, on this Continent, and to illustrate their singularly happy adaptation, so long as adhered to, to the situation and character of the North American States.
"This is not a government of men. It is a government of laws. And the laws are required by the people to be in conformity with their will, declared by the Constitution. Our loyalty is due to that will. Our obedience is due to those laws ; and he who would induce submission to other laws, springing from sources of power not originating in the people, but in casual events, and in the mere will of the occupants of places of power, does not exhort us to loyalty, but to a desertion of our trust."
And just now is the fitting moment to offer to the public the patriotic words of warning and wisdom which, for now nearly four years, have been not only rejected, but denounced as "treason." Defeated armies, an enormous public debt, and intolerable taxation, a decaying commerce, ruined currency, and bankrupt country - these are indeed severe but most instructive schoolmasters.
"When Alabama seceded in 1861, it had been in existence as a political organization less than half a century, but in many respects its institutions and customs were as old as European America."
"As the Union forces advanced through Arkansas during 1863 the Confederate government collapsed in the territory within the lines of the invading army. Confederate officials and courts disappeared and left the people without civil processes. Confusion preceded the conquerors. By midsummer of that year all the territory north and east of the Arkansas River was cleared of organized Confederate forces. Throughout the year Union sympathizers were finding their way to the protection of the federal army and southern refugees were drifting southward. Life and property in that region were insecure. Local bad feeling grew* worse. The situation was especially galling to those in the northwestern portion of the state whose sympathy for secession and the Confederacy had never been very pronounced. Those in charge of federal military affairs in the field saw clearly the situation, and President Lincoln was anxious to turn it to good account."
"The crop of Civil War and Reconstruction monographs is steadily increasing and today at least exhibits evidences of good intention and industry on the part of the monographists. Maybe from these detailed studies a wiser an juster interpretation of the period will be produced for some later generation, although nothing, not even monographs, can save a generation from seeking what it desires, which in matters historical seems to be history that is proven and interesting - regardless of the facts of the case."
"Reconstruction in Georgia can be understood only by seeing, in the first place, what were the effects of the war on the state -- how population, white and black, was altered; to what extent a war economy injured the great agricultural and commercial interests and developed or transformed industrial enterprise; what were the resources of the state, its debit and its credit; and in what political temper the people of Georgia met the new business of statehood in 1865."
"The great extent and well-nigh inextricable confusion of the period doubtless explains why writers have veered away from the subject, otherwise dramatic and absorbing."
"The primary purpose of this work is to give a detailed study of reconstruction in Mississippi with reference to its political, military, economic, educational, and legal phases."
"No sooner had Federal troops gained a foothold in the State than efforts were made to gather together such of the people as favored the cause of the Union and such as were dissatisfied with the Confederacy, by means of the establisment of a new State government around which they might rally. Two such attempts were made, both unsuccessful."
"Upon the collapse of the Government of the Confederate State, following the dispersion of the armies of Lee and Johnston, there was but the semblance of civil authority in South Carolina."
"The re-admission of the states was not the only question involved in reconstruction. The admission of four millions of people, morally low, poverty-stricken and ignorant, as contituent members of the bodies-politic, and their transformation in a day into a people capable of performing the duties of citizenship in a highly civilized, self-governing society, was a question more difficult to solve."
"In narrating the process of reconstruction in any of the Southern States, one is naturally drawn into a sympathetic attitude toward the people whose social and political system was being 'reconstructed.'"
"This monograph does not attempt to deal with the economic, social and constitutional features of the reconstruction. The investigation is chiefly concerned with political parties."
"That the Southern people literally were put to the torture is vaguely understood, but even historians have shrunk from the un- happy task of showing us the torture chambers. It is impossible to grasp the real significance of the revolutionary proceedings of the rugged conspirators working out the policies of Thaddeiift Stevens without making many journeys among the Southern people, and seeing with our own eyes the indignities to which, they were subjected."
"This is not economic history as that phrase has come to be understood in recent years. It is more than a litany of facts and data manipulated with econometrics. This is super-charged, very interesting history of real people, institutions, and policies and their effects. Taussig shows how the tariff policies had an enormous influence on the direction of U.S. industrial development, and the conflicts caused by intervention."
"The main purpose of the present volume is to consider and illustrate some questions of principle in the controversy on free trade and protection. The three chapters which constitute Part I state these questions and summarize the main conclusions. The succeeding Parts give illustrations and verifications drawn from the history of several industries -- sugar, iron and steel, and textiles. Something is thereby done, I trust, to make more precise and complete the theory of the subject, and to vivify it through illustrations from experience; and some contribution is offered also on the general economic history of the United States."
"Although its five parts were written separately, this volume presents a relatively integrated narrative, with very little over-lap, that sweeps across three hundred years of U.S. monetary history."
"The people shall be judge; for who shall be judge whether his trustee or deputy acts well, and according to the trust reposed in him, but he who deputes him, and must, by having deputed him, have still a power to discard him, when he fails in his trust?"
Leviathan rigorously argues that civil peace and social unity are best achieved by the establishment of a commonwealth through social contract. Hobbes's ideal commonwealth is ruled by a sovereign power responsible for protecting the security of the commonwealth and granted absolute authority to ensure the common defense.